Gelephu, Bhutan to America: A Journey of Resistance, Exile, and Survival
“They grabbed me by the chest and took me to the police station,” he recalls. “They asked me where I was from, and when I said Gelephu, Bhutan, they mocked me. ‘What Bhutan?’ they sneered, as if my birthplace had ceased to exist”
By Depika Subedi, Bishal Upreti, Meenakshi Niroula and Bhanu Khanal from the GCRPPB Team.
Introduction: A Fight for Culture, A Life in Chains
In the quiet corners of America, far from the towering dzongs of Bhutan, resides Nandal Lal Katuwal, whose past is woven with defiance, exile, and resilience. At 78 years old, he carries the weight of a nation’s forgotten struggle, the voices silenced by Bhutan’s systematic ethnic cleansing in the 1990s. His crime? Fighting for the right to wear his traditional attire, speak his language, and preserve the cultural identity of thousands driven out of their homeland.
Like many others, once a modest trader in Gelephu, Bhutan, Nanda Lal Katuwal never envisioned himself as a political figure. But as the Bhutanese monarchy tightened its grip on the Lhotshampa community, ethnic Nepali-speaking Bhutanese, he found himself at the forefront of a battle for cultural survival. That fight would cost him 14 years behind the cold walls of Chamgang Prison, stripped of his citizenship, his home, and his rights.
The Lhotshampa, meaning “people of the south,” are ethnic Nepali-speaking Bhutanese who settled in southern Bhutan. In the late 1980s, the Bhutanese government implemented policies aimed at cultural homogenization, enforcing the Driglam Namzha, a code of traditional Bhutanese values and dress, and mandating the use of the Dzongkha language. These measures marginalized the Lhotshampa community, leading to widespread protests and subsequent crackdowns. By the early 1990s, over 100,000 Lhotshampa were expelled or fled Bhutan, seeking refuge in Nepal and India.
Katuwal spoke passionately about the undeniable right of the Nepali people to live in Bhutan, unequivocally condemning the Bhutanese government’s systematic oppression of Nepali-speaking communities.
“When a baby is born they bring with them their culture, writing and speaking language, religion and nation. These are birthrights that nobody has the right to deny or get rid of.” — Katuwal on identity rights.
The Protest That Led to Chains
In 2000, driven by a desire to reclaim their rights, Katuwal led over 100 protestors across the Bhutanese border. Their demands were simple: the right to return home, to wear their traditional dress, and to preserve their language and culture. However, Bhutan’s monarchy had no tolerance for dissent. The authorities swiftly arrested Katuwal, separating him from his comrades.
“They grabbed me by the chest and took me to the police station,” he recalls. “They asked me where I was from, and when I said Gelephu, Bhutan, they mocked me. ‘What Bhutan?’ they sneered, as if my birthplace had ceased to exist”
The interrogations were relentless. The officers taunted him, questioning his Bhutanese identity. When he failed to provide the history of his town, Gelephu, beyond what he had lived and known, they beat him.
“What was Gelephu called before it was called Gelephu?” they asked.
“It was Hatisar,” he replied.
“And before Hatisar?”
“As far as I know, it was Hatisar before it became Gelephu.”
The officer scoffed, “He’s not Bhutanese. He doesn’t even know what it was called before Hatisar.”
“It was like asking me what my name was before I was born,” he says with a wry smile, the pain of that moment still fresh.
His arrest was only the beginning. The courts sentenced him to 14 years in prison, a fate determined in a matter of days. Katuwal was first placed in a district jail, then transferred to Chemgang Prison, a notorious facility for political prisoners. Unlike others who faced torture, Kutwal was fortunate, the International Red Cross was still operating in Bhutan at the time, forcing the government to maintain a facade of humane treatment.
“The Red Cross terrified the Bhutanese government,” he explains. “Whenever they were about to visit, prison officials would scramble to clean up, restock food, and pretend everything was normal.”
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) played a crucial role in monitoring prison conditions during this period. Their presence ensured that prisoners received basic necessities and were protected from severe mistreatment. However, in 2012, the ICRC ceased its operations in Bhutan, leading to a deterioration in prison conditions.
The Hunger Strike That Shook the Authorities
In 2009, Katuwal launched a hunger strike, refusing food for a month. His demand? A Nepali translation of Bhutan’s newly drafted constitution, a document that had conveniently omitted the rights of the exiled Lhotshampa people.
“I asked for the constitution, and the guards, who had taken a liking to me, managed to bring it. But when I saw it, it was only in Dzongkha and English. I translated it into Nepali by hand. When I was finally released, they confiscated it, refusing to let it leave Bhutan.”
His hunger strike made headlines, though the Bhutanese government dismissed it as insignificant.
“They told me, ‘We didn’t force you to do this. If you die, that’s your choice.’ But I knew my strike mattered. If it was meaningless, why were they so afraid?”
He endured the ordeal for 30 days, surpassing even the hunger strike of Bhutan’s most famous dissident, Tek Nath Rizal. When prison officials suspected that someone was sneaking him food, they monitored every drop of water he drank. Ultimately, he abandoned the strike, realizing his death would serve no purpose if no one lived to continue the struggle.
Katuwal was released in 2014, but freedom remained elusive. His home in Gelephu was gone, his family displaced, his citizenship erased. When he returned to Nepal’s refugee camps, he found himself a stranger among his own people.
“I didn’t recognize anyone there, and they didn’t know me. That was a bit distressing. My family’s food rations had been cut off. Census records didn’t include me. I had been erased, not just from Bhutan, but from existence.”
He, like thousands of others, was stateless, rejected by Bhutan, unrecognized by Nepal.
It was not until he was resettled in the United States that he found belonging. Today, he calls himself an American first, not because he has forgotten his past, but because it was the only nation that recognized his humanity.
“Nepal never gave me citizenship. Bhutan took mine away. Only the United States saw me as a human being.”
But his fight is far from over. Bhutan still holds over 32 identified political prisoners, including Ganga Ram Dhakal, Moni Kumar Pradhan, and Damar Singh Pulami, all of whom have spent decades behind bars for the same crime as Katuwal, demanding basic human rights. Their conditions are far worse than his once were.
“There is no Red Cross now. They don’t get medicine. In winter, they use rice sacks to keep warm. The world has forgotten them.”
As a dedicated volunteer and relentless advocate, Katuwal continues his activism, using the very freedom of speech that was once denied to him in Bhutan to amplify the voices of those still unjustly imprisoned. For him, Nepali identity is not just a cultural marker, it is a fundamental right worth fighting for.
“Although I was imprisoned in Bhutan for 14 years, I refused to give up my culture there. I wore Dhaka Topi [a traditional ethnic Nepali hat] with pure pride. I didn’t care about the consequences that I would face from the Bhutanese government. I refused to let go of my dhaka topi because that was my identity. I had a right to my cultural identity,” says Katuwal.
The plight of the Lhotshampa and the conditions of political prisoners in Bhutan highlight the ongoing challenges related to ethnic discrimination and human rights abuses. Organizations like The Global Campaign for the Release of Political Prisoners in Bhutan (GCRPPB) have taken up the cause, lobbying the United Nations, human rights organizations, and world governments to demand Bhutan’s accountability. In the recent Bhutan’s Universal Periodic Review at the United Nations in Geneva, more than 25 nations urged Bhutan to address the plight of its political prisoners. Yet, Bhutan remains defiant, its monarchy holding absolute power over their fate.
ICRC’s Role in Bhutan: A Needed Intervention
The withdrawal of independent organizations like the ICRC from Bhutan has had dire consequences, leading to a decline in prison conditions and a lack of oversight that puts prisoners at even greater risk. Before the ICRC ceased operations in Bhutan, detainees were at least afforded some level of protection. Now, without their presence, the situation has worsened, making their renewed involvement more urgent than ever.
Katuwal, who endured 14 years in a Bhutanese prison, recalls the critical role the Red Cross played in safeguarding prisoners. “No, I experienced no such injustice because there was the Red Cross,” he said. His survival was, in part, due to their presence.
“I used to distribute pamphlets about the need for human rights in Bhutan. Once the government discovered this, I was put on a wanted list… I was lucky to be arrested when the Red Cross was still involved. If I had been arrested in the 1990s, I wouldn’t have come back. They would have buried me there… They murdered so many strong men. I wouldn’t have stood a chance.“
His testimony underscores the urgent need for the ICRC to re-engage in Bhutan. Without their oversight, the fate of the 32 identified political prisoners is uncertain. ICRC must pressure Bhutan to uphold human rights standards, allow independent organizations to protect the political prisoners, and demand their prompt release.
Take Action.
The Global Campaign for the Release of Political Prisoners in Bhutan (GCRPPB) is actively working to free those still imprisoned. Spread awareness. Write to your representatives. Demand action from international human rights bodies. The forgotten prisoners of Bhutan are counting on us.
For more information, visit gcrppb.org, https://www.facebook.com/gcrppb, and follow on Instagram @GCRPPB.
References
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